inducements for conversion
Date: 03 Apr 2008
Comment:
-------------------------
Here are some media reports/articles of interest on the Congress Largesse for Muslims
A) Govt grants Rs 37.8 bn to minority-dominated districts
ibnlive.com; Mar 27, 2008
B) UPA inducements for conversion
By Dr. Indulata Das ; Organiser, Feb 24, 2008
"The policy pronouncements and programmes of the UPA-government seem to have far reaching consequences in disturbing our social equilibrium. In the name of development intervention to help the minority communities, the new schemes that have been introduced actually amount to division of our society. .......
C) A perverse twist to British empire's largesse for Muslims
It's truly a repeat of history
By Arvind Lavakare; Organiser, Jan 27, 2008
"The fundamental question is whether our PM's concept of financial electorates will pass muster in a court of law. On the face of it, the idea of separate financial electorates violates Article 15 of our Constitution which lays down that "The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of only religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them" with exceptions being provided in that Article only in respect of special provisions for women, children and for backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Hence, a public interest litigation case on the subject might well cause the sudden death of the PM's novelty.
Do communal budget allocations serve the larger national interest? Or will the idea result, instead, in creating further divisions of an already-fragmented fabric of Indian society? ..........
==========================================================
A) Govt grants Rs 37.8 bn to minority-dominated districts
ibnlive.com; Mar 27, 2008
New Delhi: The Indian government has set aside Rs 37.8 billion (Rs. 3,780 crores) in the Eleventh Five Year Plan for the development of 90 districts where religious minorities are concentrated.
"The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) presided over by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh took the decision which constitutes a part of the 15-point package for minority development conceived by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and promoted by the newly constituted Minority Affairs Ministry," government spokesperson Deepak Sandhu said on Thursday.
"The objective is to improve the basic amenities and other socio-economic parameters in these districts for betterment of the quality of life of the people inhabiting them and reducing the imbalances."
This, she said, is "in line with the priority attached to inclusive growth".
Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and Buddhists are India's prominent minority communities, which make up 140 million of the country's billion-plus population.
http://www.ibnlive.com/news/govt-sanctions-rs-378-bn-for-minoritydominated-districts/62090-3.html
======================================================
&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&
B) UPA inducements for conversion
By Dr. Indulata Das
Organiser, Feb 24, 2008
The communities designated as minorities, which include Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Budhists and Parsis (Zorastrains) account for 18.4 per cent of the India's population according to 2001 Census. Among them, Muslims constitute the largest group with 13.4 per cent of our population followed by Christians 2.3 per cent. The percentage of Muslim population in 1951 was less than 10 per cent and that of Christian about 2 per cent. As analysed by various experts including Justice Sachar, the high growth of Muslim population is contributable to higher female fertility. Unchecked infiltration from the neighbouring country, i.e. Bangladesh, has also enhanced the Muslim population growth substantially, which according to a view articulated by Justice Sachar in his report does not matter. The growth of Christian population, however, is mainly due to conversion among weaker sections of the society, particularly in SC/ST-dominated regions. The methods employed for conversion include allurement, deception and threats.
The policy pronouncements and programmes of the UPA-government seem to have far reaching consequences in disturbing our social equilibrium. In the name of development intervention to help the minority communities, the new schemes that have been introduced actually amount to division of our society. It is unthinkable to visualise inclusive growth through policies and schemes that are divisive and segregative. It will be pertinent to mention here some important features of newly introduced schemes and ramifications of their implementation.
The merit-cum-means scholarship provides that a student of minority community within annual family income of up to Rs. 2.50 lakh will receive course fee of
Rs. 20,000 and scholarship of Rs. 10,000 per annum as hosteller and Rs. 5000 per annum as day scholar. Although educational status of SCs, STs and some of the OBCs in the country is worse than that of minorities, the central government has not considered it necessary to introduce a similar scheme for them. The scheme looks like a government-funded inducement for conversion.
In addition to merit-cum-means scholarship, the central government has started another scheme to provide post-matric scholarship to students of minority communities. Accordingly, a student having annual family income of up to Rs. 2,00,000, is eligible for post-matric scholarship which includes course and maintenance allowances. It is to be noted here that the family income ceiling for SC and ST students to be eligible for post-matric scholarship is Rs. 1,00,000 and for OBCs Rs. 45,000. The income certificates for SC, ST and OBC students have to be issued by the designated revenue officers as per the prescribed norms. No such conditions exist for minority students. A self certification to be filed on a non-judicial stamp paper regarding annual family income of up to Rs. 2,00,000 for post-matric scholarship and Rs. 2.50 lakh for merit-cum-means scholarship is all that is needed. The discrimination is evident.
The scheme of pre-matric scholarship approved by the central government for students of minority communities provides for cost sharing of the scholarship in between the centre and the state at 75:25 ratio. The central government does not consider introducing a similar scheme for SCs and STs knowing it well that their educational and economic status is worse than that of minorities.
The Prime Minister's 15 Point Programme provides for ear-marking of 15 per cent budgetary allocations under priority sector programmes for minorities. There are no additional allocations from the central government for this purpose. It is to be remembered that majority of SC and ST population is below the government-defined poverty line. This is why 50 per cent to 60 per cent targets under most of the priority sector schemes are required to be achieved by assisting SC and ST families according to the relevant guidelines. Setting apart 15 per cent of schematic grants without any additional allocation under the Prime Minister's 15 Point Programme means diversion of benefits meant for the poor SCs and STs to that extent. For example, under Indira Awas Yojana, 60 per cent houses have to be given to the SC and ST families as per the prescribed guidelines. Under the Prime Minister's 15 Point Programme, 15 per cent houses will have to be given to the families of minority communities which account for about 4.5 per cent of Orissa's population. The fact remains that about 40 per cent of the Muslim population lives in the urban areas where Indira Awas Yojna cannot be implemented and STs do not change their social status.
In brief, the differential and more favourable scholarship norms for minority students from primary to professional courses, and the earmarking of 15 per cent plan resources under the 15 point programme are not only divisive and segregative measures, they can also be viewed as the central government sponsored incentives to promote religious conversion. The society should judge whether inclusive growth and social assimilation can be achieved through the segregative, divisive and discriminatory communal budgeting. Whether the parties in power actually mean development of minorities or want to misuse them as 'vote banks' perpetually. There is no country or society where inclusive growth and social integration have been achieved through divisive policies and programmes.
(The writer can be contacted at Qtr. No. 5R 9, Forest Park, Unit-1, Bhubaneswar, Orissa, 751009, indulatadas@yahoo.co.in)
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=225&page=30
=========================================================
&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&
C) A perverse twist to British empire's largesse for Muslims
It's truly a repeat of history
By Arvind Lavakare
Organiser, Jan 27, 2008
Do communal budget allocations serve the larger national interest? Or will the idea result, instead, in creating further divisions of an already-fragmented fabric of Indian society?
Manmohan Singh's "15 per cent" idea is probably the only one of its kind in the world. When asked whether such a reservation of state funds for a demarcated group of recipients was prevalent in any other country, R. Vaidyanathan, Professor of Finance & Control, Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore, could cite only the case of the USA, where, he writes in an e-mail, "The businesses run by blacks/Hispanics [even Indians] get preferential treatment in executing jobs for federal and state governments. Thus, when tenders are floated, some marks are allotted in evaluation to the businesses owned by these groups." Now that weightage is just not reservation of financial resources for a specific political or social or religious group.
The Muslims are not going to be happy with that bonus— they never are so with all that's given to them in India. Thus, The Indian Express, Mumbai, of January 3, reported that the Maharashtra Government's proposal to introduce subjects like English, Science and Computers in madrasas (where only Arabic is taught) under the PM's 15-point programme drew protests from certain sections of the Muslim community because they interpreted the State move as a prelude to taking over the madrasas themselves.
Through its India Councils Act 1909, the British empire introduced separate electorates for the Muslims and other minorities. This unique political dispensation was confirmed by the Lucknow Pact of 1916 between the Congress and the Muslim League. And it was incorporated in the Government of India Act, 1935. It was a gift to the Muslims that was given under Jinnah's threat of revolt and civil war and the Congress belief that it would preserve the unity of India, although many believed it to be really a device of the British to divide and rule. The Muslim League's role in Partitioning a united India thankfully ensured that the Constitution of India, 1950, got rid of the evil that was largesse for Muslims but a gift tax on the majority community.
Now, nine decades after the devilish legislation of the British Empire, Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh has lifted that old leaf from His Majesty's Government and twisted it into a separate financial electorate for the Muslims, with sundry minorities being appended as a teeny stem to the large leaf. He got his Cabinet last June to approve the proposition that 15 per cent of the nation's Five-Year Plan funds for social welfare schemes be allocated specifically to minorities (read Muslims). And the draft 11th Plan outlay seeks to give shape to that separate electorate. He clearly couldn't care whether his idea divided the country or whether it led to revolt and civil war in our motherland. All he, the faithful, sycophantic Congressman, wants to do with it is to secure for his Party each and every available Muslim thumb impression on the ballot paper for the next general elections.
Manmohan Singh has been labeled as an economist and he prides himself on being a visionary who thinks "out of the box". Well, well, his "15 per cent" idea is probably the only one of its kind in the world. When asked whether such a reservation of state funds for a demarcated group of recipients was prevalent in any other country, R.Vaidyanathan, Professor of Finance & Control, Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore, could cite only the case of the USA, where, he writes in an e-mail, "The businesses run by blacks/Hispanics [even Indians] get preferential treatment in executing jobs for federal and state governments. Thus, when tenders are floated, some marks are allotted in evaluation to the businesses owned by these groups." Now weightage is just not reservation of financial resources for a specific political or social or religious group.
The fundamental question is whether our PM's concept of financial electorates will pass muster in a court of law. On the face of it, the idea of separate financial electorates violates Article 15 of our Constitution which lays down that "The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds of only religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them" with exceptions being provided in that Article only in respect of special provisions for women, children and for backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Hence, a public interest litigation case on the subject might well cause the sudden death of the PM's novelty.
Do communal budget allocations serve the larger national interest? Or will the idea result, instead, in creating further divisions of an already-fragmented fabric of Indian society?
Figures available already provide the answer. According to the report of Rajeev Ranjan Roy in The Pioneer of January 3, 2008, the Centre has reduced the fund allocation for the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes by Rs 3,000 crore in the draft 11th Five-Year Plan, but trebled the allocation for the minorities to Rs 1,400 crore per annum. Clearly, Peter has been robbed to pay Paul.
See the injustice of such budget allocation to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes—Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (SJ&E) had sought Rs 11,185 crore was to be spent on socio-economic development of SCs between 2007 and 2012. "The share of OBCs was Rs 2,250 crore. With the communal budgeting concept coming into play, the Ministry would now only have Rs 9,097 core to be spent on various welfare schemes meant for SCs during the Plan period, while the OBCs would get only Rs 1,588 core," said Roy's sources. Should the Harijans of Mahatma Gandhi now go on hunger strike till death?
However, and this is the crux, the Centre has kept minorities, particularly Muslims, in good humour by allocating Rs 7,000 core for them in the 11th Plan. It increases the annual allocation to the Ministry of Minority Affairs from Rs.500 core to Rs.1,400 core. Incidentally, the Ministry had sought only Rs. 1,100 core as annual allocation!! If that extra amount isn't a bountiful bonus, tell me another.
But the Muslims are not going to be happy with that bonus — they never are so with all that's given to them in India. Thus, The Indian Express, Mumbai, of January 3 reported that the Maharashtra Government's proposal to introduce subjects like English, Science and Computers in madrasas (where only Arabic is taught) under the PM's 15-point programme drew protests from certain sections of the Muslim community because they interpreted the State move as a prelude to taking over the madrasas themselves.
Further, at a meeting in Kochi last June, the Muslim community prepared a charter of demands called the Cochin Declaration. Among the dozens of recommendations that the Charter made to the UPA government, the following struck one as stunning:
"The Muslims are 13.4 per cent of the total population, constituting 69 per cent among the minorities. It is therefore recommended that the 69 per cent funds in the programme be earmarked for Muslims."
"The recent improvement made by setting up the Ministry of Minority Affairs should be further improved by setting up a Ministry of Muslim Affairs as the problems of Muslims in terms of economic, social and legal aspects are different from those being faced by other religious minorities such as Christians, Jains, Parsis, and Sikhs."
"The government must formulate a sub plan/special component plan for the Muslim community on the lines of the tribal sub-plan/special component plan for SCs. There has to be a specific budgetary allocation in all development schemes for Muslims proportionate to their population at the all-Indian level."
So there you have it. Who wants to divide India between the majority and the minority communities? And who wants to further sub-divide the minorities themselves?
During our Constituent Assembly debates, the liberal minded and erudite Minoo Masani had stated, "The conception of a nation does not permit the existence of perpetual or permanent minorities. The nation absorbs these minorities or, in course of time, it must break up…Ultimately, no legal safeguard can protect small minorities from the overwhelming domination of big masses, unless on both sides (emphasis provided) an effort is made to get closer and become one corporate nation, a homogenous nation."
But the likes of Shah Imam Burkhart wouldn't have heard of Minoo Masani. Nor an Italian who rules the Congress Party very much like the British Empire reigned over united India.
(The writer can be contacted at Flat 202 Dosti Erica, Dosti Acres Complex, Antop Hill, Wadala (E), Mumbai 400 037 e-mail: neelu@hathway.com)
===============================================
000000000